Disclaimer: This blog entry is a commentary on Nicaraguan and Honduran politics. It is my interpretation of the facts, and it is bound to have a bias. Those with a different political ideology (such as Nicaraguan state security or the Central Intelligence Agency, for example) might have a different take on the current events discussed on this blog. I have my opinions and they have theirs. This is a practice in freedom of speech. Oh, and this blog in no way reflects the views of the Jesuit Volunteer Corps.
Nicaragua: The Politics of Taking to the Streets Background: Daniel Ortega IS the Sandinista party in Nicaragua. Since its inception as a political party, Ortega has been its presidential candidate in every election, and he has been the secretary general of the party in between elections. After losing elections in 1990, 1996, and 2001, Ortega did some political arm-twisting to change the constitution to allow a candidate to be elected president with only 35% of the popular vote. This allowed him to win the presidency in 2006 with 38% of the vote. The Nicaraguan constitution states that a president can serve only one term; in other words it is unconstitutional in Nicaragua for a president to run for re-election. Thus Ortega is constitutionally obligated to step down from power in 2011.
Currently: A little over a week ago the Supreme Court of Nicaragua convened a sudden constitutional convention, and voted that it is unconstitutional to NOT allow a president to run for a second term, i.e. giving Ortega the go ahead to run for re-election. The scandal is twofold: First and foremost, this “constitutional convention” was convened at an odd hour when most of the opposition judges happened to be out of the office. So, supposedly by coincidence, the only Supreme Court justices who were around to vote on the issue of presidential re-election were themselves Sandinista and supporters of Ortega. Second: Many question whether or not the Supreme Court has the authority to deem a clause of the constitution “unconstitutional”. For if it is in the original constitution, is it not by definition constitutional? But the deed is done, and Ortega will probably be running for re-election in 2011.
Opposition groups were gearing up to protest in the streets, but hoards of Ortega supporters got to the streets first in a sort of preemptive counter-protest. Sandinista counter-protestors now flood a lot of major intersections and rotundas, blaring old revolutionary hymns from speakers mounted in the backs of pickup trucks and dancing and waving Sandinista flags in celebration. And as I write this a friend is telling me that the U.S. Ambassador to Nicaragua, Mr. Callahan, publicly condemned the recent Supreme Court vote, and as a result Sandinista supporters began protesting in front of the U.S. embassy. I’m considering getting a t-shirt custom made that says “I’m not with Callahan.”
Now for clarification: I may sound critical of Ortega, and perhaps I am. Yet I think that his opposition would do far more heinous crimes to Nicaragua if they were in power. If I sound critical of Ortega, it is not out of support for his opposition but rather concern for the average Nicaraguan and the health of their country.
In other news, university students are burning tires in the streets. The government is constitutionally bound to set aside 6% of the national budget for scholarships and other forms of assistance to college students. Yet the budget has been slashed recently, and the students are irate. As a result, during the day the roads in front of the major universities are impassable because of heaps of burning tires and debris and rock-wielding college students.
Honduras: The Awkward Limbo of Coup On June 28, if I remember correctly, 300 Honduran soldiers stormed the presidential palace, arrested President Zelaya, and sent him on a plane to exile in Costa Rica. The claim was that he had violated the constitution by proposing a popular vote for or against a constitutional referendum that, it was argued, would end up allowing Zelaya to run for re-election indefinitely. So the chief justice of the Supreme Court sent a memo to the head of the army and told him to arrest Zelaya and send him into exile.
The action was condemned unanimously by the international community, and the de facto President of Honduras, Michelleti, is recognized as legitimate by no one. The U.S. has cut off all military and economic aid, as has all of Europe. The Michelleti government has since cracked down on all civil liberties, and today Honduras continues to live in a virtual state of martial law. There is no free press, as all opposition newspapers and radio stations have been shut down. Opposition leaders are frequently arrested and beaten, and protestors in the streets are met with violent repression by the military.
Some suggest that Zelaya was not overthrown simply for breaking the constitutional rules, but rather for more complex reasons. In Honduras the two main political parties are both fairly right-wing. When Zelaya was elected he was fairly conservative (in the U.S. sense of the word), but in the last few years he has moved sharply toward the left and allied himself with people like Chavez of Venezuela and Morales of Bolivia. In Honduras most politicians, media outlets, and business people are quite conservative. So the theory goes that these conservative elements in Honduras were growing very uneasy with Zelaya´s new leftist policies, and they decided he needed to go. His attempted tweaking of the constitution was a good enough excuse, so they jumped on the opportunity to give him the boot.
In terms of U.S. involvement in the coup, it is known that the head of the Honduran military and the man who oversaw the ousting of Zelaya, General Velasquez, was trained at Ft. Benning, Georgia at the School of the Americas/ WHINSEC. The school at Ft. Benning has a reputation for training Latin American officers in fairly undemocratic actions such as overthrowing elected governments and arresting and torturing civilians. It is also known to facilitate contacts and friendships between Latin American military officers and people at the Defense Department and CIA. Some speculate that the CIA was directly involved in the recent coup, but there is no evidence to support that. There is, however, a motive (communicating a stern warning to leftist leaders in Latin America) and record of prior offenses (coups in Guatemala, Iran, Congo, Chile, Venezuela, etc.) to point a suspicious finger toward the CIA.
Currently Honduras remains in a state of repression, and all constitutional rights remain suspended indefinitely. Zelaya snuck back into Honduras and took refuge at the Brazilian embassy in Tegucigalpa. There he is engaged in negotiations with people representing the Michelleti government. The embassy is surrounded by the Honduran military. Large speakers placed up against the embassy walls blast heavy metal music day and night in an attempt to make Zelaya go crazy and leave, and occasionally tear gas is thrown over the embassy walls for the same effect.
It has been 4 months since the coup, and the Honduran government remains isolated, cut off by trade embargoes, and deemed illegitimate by almost every foreign government. The resistance against de facto regime in Honduras is growing and consists now of people who aren’t even Zelaya supporters but who have become disillusioned by the repressive Michelleti government. It is also rumored that Honduran resistance forces are crossing into Nicaragua and training in the mountains. This new Honduran government has a lot going against it, and many wonder how long it will last.